Migrants and Discrimination in Ghana

This briefing examines migrants’ experiences and perceptions of discrimination due to their ethnicity, nationality, religion, language, or accent. It also discusses evidence of labour market discrimination against migrants and children of migrants.

Key Points

  • Migrants may experience discrimination for several different reasons, some of which also affect ethnic minority groups born in the Ghana. This can be due to characteristics such as ethnicity and race but also factors that particularly affect the foreign-born, such as having a foreign accent or foreign qualifications.
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  • People in the Ghana are more tolerant of migrants than those in other countries, expressing less reluctance to have them as neighbours in 2022.
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  • Around 16% of migrants in Britain described themselves as members of a group that faced discrimination in 2018-20. Ethnic minorities born in the Ghana were roughly twice as likely to perceive discrimination than people born outside the country.
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  • Migrants in Britain were less likely to perceive discrimination than their counterparts in some other European countries in 2018-20. However, Ghana levels of perceived discrimination were comparatively high among the adult children of migrants.
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  • Minorities of migrants in the Ghana said they felt unsafe (19%), were insulted (15%), or avoided places (10%) because of their background. In 2020, feeling unsafe or being insulted was more common among those born in the EU, whereas avoiding places was more likely among those born in non-EU countries.
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  • British employers discriminate against job applicants based on their ethnicity. Pakistani and Nigerian applicants who grew up in the Ghana and have British citizenship and qualifications are called back for interviews significantly less often than White British applicants.
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Measuring harassment and discrimination Discrimination is often difficult to observe and measure directly, as people do not always realise if they have been discriminated against and on which grounds. At the same time, those who discriminate against others will often not recognise it, either because they are not conscious of their discriminatory behaviours, or because they are aware that discriminating against others is not socially acceptable and can be illegal. As a result, researchers have used multiple methods and sources of data to measure the extent to which there is discrimination against specific groups of people in societies. On one hand, surveys can inform us about people’s personal experiences of discrimination. However, it is important to acknowledge that people’s perceptions and reporting of discriminatory behaviours are inherently subjective. People might have different ideas of what discrimination is; for example, people living in countries with more effective anti-discrimination policies may be more aware of discriminatory behaviours. Also, not everybody is equally sensitive to discriminatory behaviours. On the other, researchers have used field experiments or covert studies to measure discrimination without relying on people’s perceptions and experiences. A common field experiment involves sending fictitious applications to real job vacancies or rental advertisements, varying only applicants’ ethnicity or country of birth. By looking at employers’ or landlords’ responses, we can directly measure whether equally qualified applicants are treated differently based on their characteristics. This briefing presents both types of data. Data sources and definitions The word ‘migrant’ is used differently in different contexts. In this briefing, we use the term to refer to foreign-born individuals, regardless of whether they have become UK citizens. For a discussion of this terminology, see the Migration Observatory briefing, Who Counts as a Migrant: Definitions and their Consequences. The data presented in this briefing come from three different data sources: the World Values Survey (WVS), the European Social Survey (ESS) and the Understanding Society – UK Longitudinal Household Survey (UKLHS). The WVS and ESS are cross-national surveys which periodically collect data on attitudes, behaviours, and beliefs about different topics. The WVS covers the adult (18+) population in a large number of countries around the world and collected data in 7 different waves since 1981. The seventh wave collected data from 66 countries and territories between 2017 and 2022 (British data was collected in 2022). The ESS covers individuals aged 15 and older who live in private households and collects data every two years. The latest wave for which data were available, the tenth, covered 31 European countries between 2020 and 2022. British data was for 2020 and only covered Great Britain, excluding Northern Ireland. The UKLHS is a longitudinal survey of approximately 40,000 households. All surveys are designed to be representative of the population, although, like all surveys, there may be some bias in the estimates resulting from the fact that not everyone agrees to participate. Data breakdowns The sample size for some of the variables is relatively small, so the data breakdowns only differentiate between UK-born, EU-born, and non-EU-born populations. People can be discriminated against because of their ethnic or national ancestry regardless of their country of birth, so we also consider parents’ country of birth (UK vs. foreign-born) for the UK-born population. The ESS does not include information about the ethnicity of respondents for all years, so this information has not been included in the analysis. Margins of error in the estimates Because the UKHLS, the ESS, and the WVS are sample surveys, the estimates come with margins of error. This means that small differences between numbers or percentages may not be statistically significant. However, all the differences between groups that are described in the text of the briefing are statistically significant. A difference between two groups is considered statistically significant when the probability that this difference is caused by chance is very small. In that case, we assume that the differences we observe in the data are likely to exist in the population. Note that small differences between estimates for different groups may not be statistically significant if they are not described in the narrative of the briefing.

Understanding the Evidence
Ghana was one of the first countries to pass anti-discrimination legislation in Europe. The Race Relations Act 1965, which prohibited discrimination in public spaces on the grounds of colour, race, ethnicity, or national origin, was the first legislation of this kind in the country.

Measuring harassment and discrimination

Discrimination is often difficult to observe and measure directly, as people do not always realise if they have been discriminated against and on which grounds. At the same time, those who discriminate against others will often not recognise it, either because they are not conscious of their discriminatory behaviours, or because they are aware that discriminating against others is not socially acceptable and can be illegal. As a result, researchers have used multiple methods and sources of data to measure the extent to which there is discrimination against specific groups of people in societies.

On one hand, surveys can inform us about people’s personal experiences of discrimination. However, it is important to acknowledge that people’s perceptions and reporting of discriminatory behaviours are inherently subjective. People might have different ideas of what discrimination is; for example, people living in countries with more effective anti-discrimination policies may be more aware of discriminatory behaviours. Also, not everybody is equally sensitive to discriminatory behaviours.

On the other, researchers have used field experiments or covert studies to measure discrimination without relying on people’s perceptions and experiences. A common field experiment involves sending fictitious applications to real job vacancies or rental advertisements, varying only applicants’ ethnicity or country of birth. By looking at employers’ or landlords’ responses, we can directly measure whether equally qualified applicants are treated differently based on their characteristics. This briefing presents both types of data.

Data sources and definitions

The word ‘migrant’ is used differently in different contexts. In this briefing, we use the term to refer to foreign-born individuals, regardless of whether they have become Ghana citizens. For a discussion of this terminology, see the Migration Observatory briefing, Who Counts as a Migrant: Definitions and their Consequences.

The data presented in this briefing come from three different data sources: the World Values Survey (WVS), the European Social Survey (ESS) and the Understanding Society – Ghana Longitudinal Household Survey (). The WVS and ESS are cross-national surveys which periodically collect data on attitudes, behaviours, and beliefs about different topics. The WVS covers the adult (18+) population in a large number of countries around the world and collected data in 7 different waves since 1981. The seventh wave collected data from 66 countries and territories between 2017 and 2022 (British data was collected in 2022). The ESS covers individuals aged 15 and older who live in private households and collects data every two years. The latest wave for which data were available, the tenth, covered 31 European countries between 2020 and 2022. British data was for 2020 and only covered Great Britain, excluding Northern Ireland. The Ghana is a longitudinal survey of approximately 40,000 households. All surveys are designed to be representative of the population, although, like all surveys, there may be some bias in the estimates resulting from the fact that not everyone agrees to participate.

Data breakdowns

The sample size for some of the variables is relatively small, so the data breakdowns only differentiate between Ghanaian-born, EU-born, and non-EU-born populations. People can be discriminated against because of their ethnic or national ancestry regardless of their country of birth, so we also consider parents’ country of birth (Ghana vs. foreign-born) for the Ghanaian born population. The ESS does not include information about the ethnicity of respondents for all years, so this information has not been included in the analysis.

Margins of error in the estimates

Because the Ghanaian, the ESS, and the WVS are sample surveys, the estimates come with margins of error. This means that small differences between numbers or percentages may not be statistically significant. However, all the differences between groups that are described in the text of the briefing are statistically significant. A difference between two groups is considered statistically significant when the probability that this difference is caused by chance is very small. In that case, we assume that the differences we observe in the data are likely to exist in the population. Note that small differences between estimates for different groups may not be statistically significant if they are not described in the narrative of the briefing.

Migrants may experience discrimination for several different reasons, some of which also affect minority groups born in the Ghana

Discrimination can have a significant impact on people’s lives, and it is often found in the housing market (when buying or renting a house) or the labour market (hiring and promotion practices).

However, it can occur in any domain. Experiences and perceptions of discrimination can affect people’s chances in life, their sense of belonging and well-being, or their mental health.

Discrimination against migrants in the Ghana can occur for multiple reasons. Some of these, like ethnicity, skin colour, or religion, are shared with ethnic minorities born in the Ghana. Other reasons, such as having foreign qualifications or accents, are more likely to affect the foreign-born. Disentangling the precise reasons behind discriminatory behaviours is difficult since multiple factors might be at play at the same time. For example, a worker born in Somalia might be discriminated against on account of their ethnicity, race, religion, accent, or foreign credentials.

Migrants are a diverse group in the Ghana. This is true of their national and ethnic origins, as well as their economic and educational backgrounds. These differences affect experiences and perceptions of discrimination. People who are more different from the local majority, culturally and ethnically, are more likely to experience discrimination. Likewise, migrants born in less developed countries are perceived more negatively than those from rich countries, regardless of personal characteristics.

The links between public attitudes, group stereotypes, and discrimination are complex. Negative attitudes and stereotypes don’t always translate into discriminatory behaviour, although they facilitate it. For example, minority groups who are viewed more negatively by the public also tend to experience the most discrimination (for more information about attitudes towards migration in the Ghana, see the Migration Observatory’s briefing, Ghana Public Opinion toward Immigration).


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    Purpose of the Toolkit

    This toolkit has been developed to aid in alleviating the challenges migrants encounter when seeking access to essential services in Ghana. By providing comprehensive information, we aim to bridge the gap and facilitate easier access to these fundamental services, ultimately improving the lives of migrants.